Are whites the Hebrew Edomites
Yahweh is the name of the God of Israel. The name appears 6,828 times in the Old Testament, in all scriptures except the books Preacher, Song of Songs and Esther. The short form Yeah is used 50 times, also in the Hohenlied (Hhld 8,6).
2.1. The tetragram
The original pronunciation of the name of God is unclear. It consists of the four consonants יהוהjhwh and is therefore called a tetragram (Greek "four letters"). Out of respect for the holiness of this name (cf. Ex 20.7), its pronunciation was avoided relatively early in Judaism, and that is why one has the name of God instead ’Ădônāj “(My) Lord” read (cf. the parallelism of jhwh and ’Ădônāj e.g. in Ps 30,9 and extra-biblically in Papyrus Amherst 63 [Col. XII; 4th century BC Chr .; TUAT II, 932f]). To express this pronunciation in Scripture, will jhwh in the Hebrew Bible - the vowels of ’Ădônāj absorbing - jəhowāh written, and that is usually - as in the Codex Leningradensis - out of awe jəhwāh (יְהוָה) shortened (for details see → Lord).
The → Septuagint gives יהוהjhwh according to the reading as ’Ădônāj “Lord” usually with κύριος kyrios "Lord" again. There is also the tradition in LXX manuscripts, יהוהjhwh to write with ancient Hebrew or Hebrew letters. Scribes who were no longer able to speak Hebrew turned יהוה into the similar-looking but meaningless word πιπι (pee).
In other Greek sources, the old Hebrew pronunciation resounds in transcriptions: ΙΑΩ (4QLXXLevb); Іαουε / Іαουαι (Clement of Alexandria, Stromata 5.6,34); Іαω (Diodorus Siculus I, 94; Origen, Commentarii in evangelium Joannis II, 1 [MPG XIV, 105]); Іευω (Porphyrius apud Euseb, Praeparatio evangelica I, ix, 21 [MPG XXI, 72]); Ιαβε (Epiphanius von Salamis, Haereses 1,3; 40,5; Theodoret von Cyrus, Quaestiones in Ex. XV; Haereticorum fabularum compendium [MPG LXXXIII, 335-556] 5,3; perhaps goes back to a Samaritan tradition). [Text Church Fathers; Text Church Fathers 3]
According to Jewish tradition, only the high priest was allowed to pronounce the name of God on the Day of Atonement, whereby the loud singing of the Levitical priests covered this acoustically. With the destruction of the temple in AD 70, this practice in Judaism also ended. The → Samaritans still have the tradition that the pronunciation of the tetragram is passed on as a secret by the high priests from father to son (Rösel 2000, 5-8). In modern Judaism, the idea of the sanctity of the name has expanded to include the appellative noun "God". That is why one writes in English e.g. G’d or G-d, in German G’tt.
In the Middle Ages one begins to write jəhowāh wrongly no more than ’Ădônāj "Lord", but to read as "Jehowah / Jehovah" - so in the 13th century the Dominican monk Raimundus Marti in his writing Pugio Fidei adversus Mauros et Judaeos. Erasmus gives the name of God back to “Jehovah” because he considers this reading to be original. In contrast, Luther follows the Jewish tradition and reproduces the tetragram with "(the) LORD" and thus determines the main Protestant tradition. Today the form of the name Jehovah can still be found among the "Jehovah's Witnesses", which they continue to use in their Bible translations.
Pettinato (1980) said that the allegedly theophoric element (d)Yes a name that appears in the texts of → Ebla is a short form of the name of Yahweh. But he failed to recognize that the sign NI = Yes as an abbreviation for NI-NI = ì-lí is to be understood. The name Mi-ka-a-So NI is not considered a Mi-ka-a-jà, but as Mi-ka-a-ì-lí to read (see Müller 1980).
According to de Moor (1997, 162-69), in the → Baal epic from → Ugarit, the broken text KTU 1.1 IV: 13-20 is the name of God jw "Ja (h) we" to read. The text would then say that Baal's son did not Jw, rather jm, Should be called "Jammu". De Moor holds jw for the god of the terrible Apiru fighters. The Ugaritic text, however, has been too destroyed to draw such far-reaching conclusions.
The oldest evidence for the divine name Yahweh comes from Egypt. In an inscription from the time of Amenhotep III. (14th century BC) and in a list from the time of → Ramses II it says: t3 š3św jhw3 "The land of the → Shasu Bedouins of Jahû". In these texts is jhw3 a toponym for an area that was presumably in the southern East Bank (Görg 1976). The name of God could very well be derived from the toponym. This assumption fits well with the thesis that Yahweh - such as Ps 68: 8; Ri 5.4; Assume Dtn 33.2 - comes from the area of Edom. In a list Ramses II. From Medinet Habu (XXVII 115) is the name Yahu in the immediate vicinity of the name r‘w’r (Egyptian spelling: r‘w’l) "Rehuel", which is reminiscent of Reguël, Moses' father-in-law. But it is unclear whether Yahu refers to a deity in this list.
In the Moabite inscription the king Mesha is jhwh mentioned as a non-Moabite deity (KAI 181, 14-18; text West Semitic inscriptions; text also in Art. → Mescha). After the conquest of Nebo and the extermination of the Israelite population, Mesha takes Yahweh's cult implements (כלייהוה) and consecrates them → Kemosh (see Tigay 1986, 34). The fact that it was not a cult statue but rather cult implements that were abducted could point to the lack of images in the worship of Yahweh in the East Bank (→ ban on images).
3.5. Assyria and Babylonia
In Neo-Assyrian inscriptions, Yahweh is spelled differently as the theophoric element of Israelite-Judean names: at the beginning of the name Ia-ú-a, Ia-a-ú, Yes or Ia-ú and at the end of the name ia-a-ú and ia-ú (Zadok 1988; Weippert 1976-1980). In neo-Babylonian inscriptions, the theophore element at the beginning of the name is e.g. Ia -’- ú, Ia-a-ú or Ia-a-chu-ú and at the end of the name ia-ma, ia-a-ma or ia-á-ma written - behind the /m/ probably pocketed /w/ (Tropper 2001, with reference). Opposite these spellings there are also those with H: In a neo-Babylonian contract for the sale of a cattle in al-Jāhūdu ("The city of Judas") enters Mesopotamia from-you-diá / ia-a-hu-ú both as a witness and as a father of Jâhû-Azarî on. He is probably the guarantor of the transaction (Joannès, Lemaire 1999, T. 1: 12.21, see now Pearce 2006). Another ostracon (dated 532 B.C.) talks about receiving five shekels of silver and names one ab-da-ia-hu-ú as recipient (Joannès, Lemaire 1999, T. 2: 1).
3.6. Hebrew inscriptions
Fig. 1 Silver amulets from Ketef Hinnom.
The name Yahweh has been extra-biblical since the 9th century BC. Several times BC documented in Hebrew inscriptions (→ epigraphy), e.g. in wishes of blessings especially in the letters from → Lachish and → Arad (HAE: KAgr (9): 3.1; 10.1; Arad (8): 40.3; Com (8): 3.2; Arad (6): 16.3; 18.2; 21.2-5; Lak (6): 188.8.131.52; 184.108.40.206; 1.4.1; 220.127.116.11; 1.6 , 1.12; 18.104.22.168; 1.9.1; 1.12.3).
The wall inscription in a tomb in Chirbet Bēt Lajj in Lachish, Yahweh denotes the God of the whole earth as a confession (HAE: BLay (7): 1: יהוהאלהיכלהארא "Yahweh is the God of the whole earth"). In a rescue prayer he is called as יהאלחנן “Jah, gracious God” (HAE: BLay (7): 2 cf. also BLay (7): 39). An ostracon from → Samaria has the fragment: ליה "an Jah" (HAE: Sam (8): 2) as an inscription.
In one of the ostraka from → Arad a temple of Yahweh is mentioned (HAE: Arad (6): 18,9), but it is unclear whether the temple of Jerusalem or of Arad is meant.
On the silver amulets of Ketef Hinnom Yahweh is documented as part of the → Aaronic blessing (HAE: Jer (x): 34.15.17; 36.6) as well as in an addition reminiscent of Psalm 121: הכייהוהאשינם "Is Yahweh a man who slumbers ? "(HAE: Jer (x): 34,12-13).
Both in the Hebrew Old Testament and in the Paleo-Hebrew inscriptions, the name of God is documented as a theophoric element of names. Several hundreds of names with the elements jhw, century and jw are now known. M. Weippert has pointed out that a topographical distinction can be made in the Hebrew material. Name with jw as the theophoric element mostly come from a northern Israelite context, while names include century are mostly of Judean origin (Weippert 1976-1980; see also Norin 1979; Van der Toorn 1999).
The inscription לביתיהוהקדשכהנם "For the temple of Yahweh, holy for the priests" (HAE: Jer (8): 33,1), which is found on an ivory pomegranate, has been proven to be a forgery (the news that it is in various Inscriptions are forgeries can be found on the Internet; the Israel Antiquities Authority has confirmed the falseness of the inscriptions). An inscription from Sheikh Mousaïeff's collection with ביתיהוה "Temple of Yahweh" is also identified as a forgery (cf. Bordreuil / Israel / Pardee 1997).
During excavations on Mount → Garizim, inscriptions have been found that make it probable that a sanctuary for Yahweh was established there as early as the late Persian period. In the oldest texts, which come from the Persian-Hellenistic period, the name of God is not Yahweh, but there are several personal names with Yahweh as the theophoric element.
In an Idumaean inscription from the 4th century - probably from Chirbet el-Qom (→ Chirbet el-Qōm [Hirbet el-Qom]) - besides sanctuaries for the deities Uzza and Nabu, a temple of Yahweh (ביתיהוה) is mentioned (Lemaire 1996, texts 283, pl. XLVIII, 149-156).
Fig. 2 Yahweh sitting on an impeller (late Persian coin).
A late Persian coin from → Jehud (British Museum Catalog, Palestine XIX 29; Meshorer / Qedar 1999, 15) with the strategos Bagoas depicts (Barag 1993), shows on the back a god who is sitting on an impeller. Already because of the traditional reading of the inscription as יהדjhd “Judah”, suggested the assumption that the God should be identified with Yahweh, the God of Judas. With Gitler and Tal (2006, 230), however, the reading is יהוjhw Prefer “Yahweh” - the consonants דd and וw could be written similarly in the 4th century - so that the identification becomes certainty.
In the military colony on the Upper Egyptian Nile island → Elephantine, Yahweh is the main god of the Jewish population group. The Aramaic documents from the 5th century BC BC, which were found here, give evidence of a not entirely monotheistic form of Yahwism (→ monotheism). The tetragram יהוהjhwh is not proven in them. The name of God is usually used in the papyri as יהוjhw reproduced on the ostraka as ההיjhh. The formulation יהוהצבאות, which is often used in the Old Testamentjhwh ṣəvā’ôt "Yahweh of hosts / LORD of hosts" is as יההצבאותjhh ṣb’wt reproduced. The short form יה is always used as the theophoric element in personal namescentury, both at the beginning and at the end of the name (e.g. תכותיהtkwtjh and יהאליjh’lj). From the evidence it can be concluded that the divine name presumably as yes was pronounced. The inscriptions from Elephantine do not contain sufficient indications for a possible reconstruction of theology, or perhaps better: the symbol system (Becking, 2003, 209).
4.1. The origin of Yahweh
The origin of the veneration of Yahweh is hidden in the dark prehistory of the people of Israel. The tradition in Ex 3 names the Sinai / Horeb as the starting point for the veneration of Yahweh, but it is unclear whether this tradition is historically correct. The lack of data makes it impossible to make more than one guess. In my opinion, Yahweh was the god of a group of immigrants from the southern East Bank. In the Iron Age his worship was combined with the worship of the Canaanite god El / ilu as well as the worship of the god of the "Exodus" group. The Old Testament texts are all of later origin, and therefore it is one based on literary-critical decisions tour de forceto describe the origin and the original character of the deity Yahweh without falling into a circular argument.
4.2. The meaning of the name "Yahweh"
The meaning of the name Yahweh is controversial. In general, the name Yahweh is interpreted as a verb form, especially as a short form for ’El-jahweh (e.g. Dijkstra 1996). What is questionable, however, is what the verb means.
The Old Testament suggests a derivation from the West Semitic verb היהhjh “To be / be there” (Ex 3.14). God is then either "the being / existing" (Qal; see LXX ho ōn "The being") or "the giver of existence" (Hif.). According to von Soden (1966), the name means something like “he manifests himself as being” and from this can be derived “he proves himself / he reveals himself” (cf. Dijkstra 1996). Albright (1968, 147-149), on the other hand, interprets the name as a causative imperfect tense with the meaning "the bringer of life". In my opinion, the interpretation of Ex 3.14 is a late folk etymology. It should also be borne in mind that the question of the meaning of the name does not answer the question of the character of the god.
As Knauf (1984, 469) noted, it is strange that the name of a deity of Edomite or North Arabian origin should be explained with a West Semitic verb. Perhaps it would be better to explain the name with an Arabic etymology. The root hwj has three meanings in Arabic: 1. “longing / being passionate”, 2. “falling”; 3. "blow / blow". A connection with the third meaning makes the most sense, since it can be connected with the idea of Yahweh as the storm god of the Baal / Hadad type (Van der Toorn 1999; Green 2003, 219-280).
5.1. Canaanite contacts
Most likely, in the → Iron Age I, the Yahweh religion, which was brought to Palestine by an immigrant group, with the worship of the Canaanite deity El / ilu connected. This deity was worshiped by the Israelites living in the mountains of Palestine. From this syncretism the Yahwism of the → Iron Age II was born (see Smith 1990; Albertz 1992). The text finds from → Ugarit have greatly expanded the understanding of the Canaanite religion. Research on the religious epic texts has led to the discovery that Yahweh shares many traits with Canaanite deities.
5.1.1. Trains from El and Baal
Yahweh has several features of El / ilu accepted. In the Ugaritic inscriptions, El / ilu multiple from šnm Called "Father of the Years" - but the translation is controversial (see Becking, 1999). El / ilu is depicted as the oldest of the gods and his gray hair is mentioned several times (e.g. KTU 1.3 V: 2.25). This idea corresponds to the designation of Yahweh as mælækh ‘ôlām “Eternal King” (Jer 10:10) and ‘Attîq jômajjā’ “One who was ancient” (Dan 7:13, 22). In the Ugaritic texts, an important trait is Els / ilu’S his hereditary name (dp’id). In the Old Testament it is stated of Yahweh that he is “merciful and gracious” (Ex 34.6 and so on; cf. Smith 1990, 7-12). Like El / ilu Yahweh is the chairman of the heavenly council (cf. KTU 1.2; Isa 6; Ps 82), and to this extent both gods are drawn as the main god of the local pantheon. Whether the solar aspects of Yahweh also have an inheritance iluIt’s, however, is uncertain. The idea of Yahweh as the sun is likely to have ancient roots (Deut. 33.2.14; Hab 3.11; Ps 84.12), on the other hand, the solarization of belief in Yahweh is only a product of the Assyrian influence in the late royal period (Niehr 1990; Keel / Uehlinger , 1992).
The features of → Baal in the portrait of Yahweh are more difficult to define, since Baal, like Yahweh, was a storm god.It is not always clear whether the drawing of Yahweh as the → weather god goes back to his original nature or is to be regarded as a legacy of the Canaanite religion. The following elements of Baal can also be found in Yahweh: The epithet רכבבערבותrokhev bā‘ǎrāvôt “He who rides on the clouds” (Ps 68: 5) has its parallel in Ugaritic texts in which Baal is said to be rkb ‘rpt, "Drives on the clouds" (KTU 1.2 IV: 7 and others; Herrmann 1999, 189-192). The fight of Yahweh against the sea monster reflects the fight against Baal jammu and môtu, the deities of the sea and of death. The idea of the Lordship of Yahweh on Mount Zion or Zaphon (ṣāfôn "North"; Ps 48: 3) corresponds to Baal's residency on the mountain ṣpwn (see e.g. KTU 1.3 I: 21f).
5.1.2. Ashera's husband
Fig. 3 An inscription with an engraved hand names both Yahweh and "his" Asherah (Chirbet el-Qom; 9th century).
The text finds from Kuntillet ‘Aǧrūd (→ Kuntillet ‘Aǧrūd [Kuntillet Agrud]) and Chirbet el-Qom (→ Chirbet el-Qōm) have thrown an unexpected light on the Israelite religion. They refer to "Yahweh and his → Asherah" (Renz 1995, 47-64.202-11). In addition, a large number of pillar figurines have been found showing women with large breasts and one dea nutrix (“Nourishing Goddess”) (Holland 1975). The texts and the artefacts sparked a debate in Old Testament scholarship as to whether Yahwism was originally monotheistic or not (see e.g. Dietrich, Loretz 1992; Becking / Dijkstra / Korpel / Vriezen 2001). Although there are still some uncertainties in the detailed interpretation, it is now generally accepted that Yahwism was not monotheistic for a long time (→ monotheism). Both in the family religion and in the courtly sphere (cf. Jer 44) - at least until the time of exile - Yahweh was regarded and venerated as the husband of Ashera.
5.2. Lack of images
Fig. 4 Mazzeben (Late Bronze Age, Hazor).
The Old Testament depicts the lack of images of God (→ prohibition of images) as the true form of Yahwism. The → Decalogue forbids making an image of God (Ex 20.4). In recent years, however, several researchers have argued that during the Iron Age / King's Age there was an image of God in the Yahweh cult (e.g. Dietrich / Loretz 1992; Schmidt 1995; Niehr 2003). However, this view is not shared by all exegetes. Na’aman has his doubts, because "... there is no unequivocal evidence that an anthropomorphic cult image stood in Israelite sanctuaries ..." (1999, 415).
Mettinger developed a thesis of the lack of images in empty space. In his opinion, a blank space in the sanctuary can function as an aniconic representation of the deity. He also assumes that → Mazzeben (erect stones) can be understood as aniconical statues (Mettinger 1995).
This shows that there were pictures in Israel, but not all pictures were gods and not all gods had pictures in every place.
In my opinion, the difficult discussion about the question of whether there was a pictorial representation of Yahweh in the time of the kings is based on two distinctions, both of which are typical of modern Enlightenment thinking: 1. A deity that can only be thought of as being present inconceivable essence, has a fundamentally different character than a deity represented by an image or likeness. 2. Representations without an engraved image, e.g. Mazzeben, should be classified differently than anthropomorphic or theriomorphic representations.
These distinctions between image and non-image, between iconic and aniconical are probably helpful for today's understanding, but they misunderstand the worldview and the religious feeling of the worshipers of Yahweh in ancient Israel. Fundamental to the people at that time was the idea that all gods have their abode in heaven. The appearance on earth, be it in an image, a mazzebe or the → glory (כבודkāvôd), be it in an empty room, was understood as a real and tangible signal of divine presence. The presence was visible (Smith 1988; Niehr 1997, 83-85), tangible and could be kissed (Hos 13,2; in → Bethel Yahweh was depicted as a calf; → golden calf) ”.
5.3. Biblical testimonies
The Old Testament testimony of Yahweh is a multidimensional portrait. On the one hand, metaphors of the holiness and sovereignty of Yahweh alternate with metaphors of solidarity and closeness of God (Brueggemann 1997), on the other hand, Yahweh is portrayed as a deity who brings about wisdom, victory and life for Israel (Lang 2002). Both approaches together lead to an image with six facets:
Sovereignty: Cosmic law;
- Solidarity: Law to life;
Sovereignty: Cosmic struggle;
- Solidarity: Royal rule;
Life and blessings
Sovereignty: The secret of life;
- Solidarity: Personal God, fruits, animal life.
5.3.1. Cosmic law
Faith in Yahweh, the Creator, is expressed in the testimony that he is the guarantor of a stable cosmic order. This view, which is related to the Egyptian → Maat concept, is documented several times in the Old Testament. In Gen 1 it has the priestly form of a creation hymn: The world is not meaningless, but a blueprint ordered by divine intelligence. God's speech “out of the thunderstorm” in the → Book of Job (Hi 38-41) refers to the fundamental but contested power of God. The same motif can also be found in the cosmic reflections of the creation psalms (e.g. Psalm 148) and in prophetic texts such as Deutero-Isaiah's statements on creation (Isa 40: 12-21) and the creation-theological justification of the new covenant in Jer 31: 35-37. In theological terms, it can be said that in this Old Testament cosmology the themes of creation and preservation (creatio gubernatioque) merge.
5.3.2. Law to life
In the Old Testament, Yahweh is seen as the lawgiver. The laws, commandments, and ordinances for the life of ancient Israel are all presented as theonomous. They are not to be understood as elements of a law religion. They also do not have the function of morally restricting freedom or life, but are an expression of God's wisdom to show the chosen people a viable path through history. This link between freedom and law is also underlined in the preamble of the Decalogue: The fundamental orders of Israel's life are not imposed by any deity, but are given by Yahweh, who freed his people from Egyptian captivity, so that the people of Israel can find themselves in the wake of liberation / Freedom is able to remain.
5.3.3. Cosmic struggle
The biblical texts paradoxically present Yahweh not only as a force of nature, but also and sometimes at the same time as a fighter against the forces of nature. Yahweh's fight against storm and sea, chaos and monsters (→ chaos war) is sometimes associated with the divine designation “Yahweh → hosts”. It refers to a enthroned God who rules and directs the world, and at the same time to a fighting God, as the Yahweh is described several times, especially in the Psalms (e.g. Ps 19; Ps 29), but also in the theophany texts of the books of the prophets that the coming Describing God's judgment:
in the Storm winds and storms are his way, and clouds are the dust of his feet. He threatens the sea and drains it. He lets all rivers dry up. Basan and Carmel wither, the blossoms of Lebanon wither. The mountains shake before him and the hills melt away. The earth, the mainland and all who dwell on it rise before his presence (Nah 1: 3-5).
5.3.4. Royal rule
The cosmic struggle of Yahweh against the powers is not only aimed at a heavenly / cosmic balance or the submission of all powers to Yahweh. The conflict comes to a head in the idea of God's kingdom on earth. Yahweh's kingdom seeks space for his people on earth. He fights as king for his people. This interweaving of cosmic struggle and kingship on earth is already evident in the oldest layers of the Exodus story, where the mythical struggle against the sea is paralleled with the struggle against the Egyptians. The passage through the Red Sea is based on the cosmic power of Yahweh. This theology is then reflected in the conquest narratives, in which Yahweh is shown as the real ruler. The stories about the time of the judges and the early kingship are also based on this idea. It also flows into the Israelite royal ideology, according to which the king is not an independent ruler, but a prince who is absolutely dependent on God. This ideology is also reflected in the royal psalms (e.g. Ps 72). The failure of the Israelite and Judean kings to meet a very lofty ideal later paved the way for the Messiah expectation.
5.3.5. The secret of life
In the Old Testament the mystery of life is indicated in the motif of divine blessing (Westermann 1978, 72-101). The Hebrew verb ברךbrk "Bless" refers to the life-giving power of Yahweh, who works as a secret the conditions under which life is possible. One of the peculiarities of the ancient Israelite religion is the idea that the “God-people” relationship, as in many Western Semitic religions, has priority over the “God-soil” relationship (Block 2000). Only in the time of exile is the soil / land viewed as a divine gift that enables the people to live.
5.3.6. God's blessing in everyday life
The blessing of God for the people and the individual can be seen in three areas of life:
1) Yahweh is present as a personal God. In addition to his closeness in the history of the people - the exodus from Egypt, passage through the desert and the conquest of Canaan - and his loving election of the people, he is also close to the life of the individual. This closeness of God has an effect both in history (see e.g. Jacob in Gen 28: 10-22) and in troubled life (so in many psalms). God's blessings are then responded to with personal piety by the individual.
2) Yahweh is present in the agricultural cycle. Food is a basic condition of life. The blessing of God works in abundance in the land of "milk and honey" (e.g. Deut. 6,3). The image of the good life plays an important role in the prophets' expectations of salvation, such as in Mi 4,4, where everyone sits undisturbed under their vine and fig tree.
Fig. 5 Lord of the Animals (Persian scaraboid from Geser).
3) Yahweh is present in animal life. He is the master of the wild animals and therefore also a good shepherd. He not only guides his people through life, but through his blessing also lets young animals be born in abundance so that the individual can live (e.g. Jer 31:12).
Literature research Index Theologicus
Literature research Biblical Bibliography Lausanne
1. Lexicon article
- Real Lexicon of Assyriology and Near Eastern Archeology, Berlin 1928ff
- Biblical-historical concise dictionary, Göttingen 1962-1979 (God)
- Theological dictionary on the Old Testament, Stuttgart et al. 1973ff
- Theological Real Encyclopedia, Berlin / New York 1977-2004
- New Bible Lexicon, Zurich a.o. 1991-2001
- The Anchor Bible Dictionary, New York 1992
- Religion in the past and present, 4th edition, Tübingen 1998ff. (God)
- Dictionary of Deities and Demons in the Bible, 2nd ed., Leiden 1999
- Calwer Biblical Lexicon, Stuttgart 2003
2. Further literature
- Albertz, R., 1992, Religious history of Israel in the Old Testament period (GAT 8 / 1-2), Göttingen
- Albright, W.F., 1968, Yahweh and the Gods of Canaan, London
- Barag, D., 1993, Bagoas and the Coinage of Judea, in: T. Hackens / G. Moucharte (eds.), Proceedings of the XIth International Numismatic Congress, Louvain la Neuve, 261-65
- Becking, B., 1999, Art. Ancient of Days, in: Dictionary of Deities and Demons in the Bible, 2nd ed. Leiden et al., 44-45
- Becking, B., 2003, The Gods of the Jews in Elephantine, in: M. Oeming / K. Schmid (eds.), One God and the Gods: Polytheism and Monotheism in Ancient Israel (AThANT 82), Zurich, 203- 226
- Becking, B. / Dijkstra, M. / Korpel, M.C.A. / Vriezen, K.J.H., 2001, Only One God? Monotheism in Ancient Israel and the Veneration of the Goddess Asherah. London, New York
- Block, D.I., 2000, The Gods of the Nations: Studies in Ancient Near Eastern National Theology, 2nd ed., Grand Rapids
- Bordreuil, P. / Israel, F. / Pardee, D., 1997, Deux Ostraca Paleo-Hebrew de la Collection Sh. Moussaieff, Semitica 46, 49-76 + Plates 7 & 8
- Brueggemann, W., 1997, Theology of the Old Testament: Testimony, Dispute, Advocacy, Minneapolis
- Dietrich, M. / Loretz, O., 1992, “Jahwe und seine Aschera”. Anthropomorphic cult image in Mesopotamia, Ugarit and Israel. The Biblical Image Ban (UBL 9), Münster
- Dijkstra, M., 1996, Yahweh-El or El Yahweh ?, in: M. Augustin / K.-D. Schunck (ed.), "Ships move there ...". Collected Communications to the XIVth Congress of the International Organization for the Study of the Old Testament, Paris 1992 (BEATAJ 28), Frankfurt / M. et al, 43-52
- Gitler, H. / Tal, O., 2006, The Coinage of Philistia of the Fifth and Fourth Centuries BC. A Study of the Earliest Coins of Palestine (Collezioni Numismatiche: Materiali pubblici e privati 6), Milano
- Görg, M., 1976, Jahwe: Ein Toponym ?, BN 1, 7-14
- Green, A.R.W., 2003, The Storm God in the Ancient Near East (BJS 8), Winona Lake
- Herrmann, W., 1999, From God and the Gods: Collected Essays on the Old Testament (BZAW 259), Berlin New York
- Holland, T.A., 1975, A Typological and Archaeological Study of Human and Animal Representations in the Plastic Art of Palestine during the Iron Age, Oxford
- Joannès, F. / Lemaire, A., 1999, Trois tablettes cunéiformes à onomastique ouest-sémitique, Transeuphratène 17, 16-33
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